China a threat to india

It also occupied strategic points in the Aksai Chin and Demchok regions of Ladakhbefore declaring a unilateral cease-fire on 21 November. It claimed that it withdrew to twenty kilometers behind its contended line of control.

China a threat to india

It also depends a great deal on who you ask the question. I suspect most people in India do not actually believe that China poses an existential threat to India — that is, a threat to national existence.

Territory and populations are, of course, critical elements of statehood and loss of territory and populations in war can bring down governments. Compromise is necessary because national objectives including ensuring safety of the population from continued war and conflict, their prosperity and national defence might, in fact, require it.

Such compromise is also feasible because national existence is not threatened by it, and might possibly actually be enhanced by territorial compromises. But it is also not possible to assume that our negotiators have not come up against the finest political and strategic minds on the Chinese side, too.

It goes without saying then, that it is not possible to do a deal without also giving something in return. Just as no man is an island, no country exists in isolation from networks of communication, politics, trade, and other forms of contact as well as of linkages of history, culture and ethnicity with its immediate neighbours and often countries further afield.

Far from it; their conception of realism is more about an imagined reality unwilling to consider problems practically and think of long-term consequences.

The Hard Reality From a military point of view, any sober assessment would show that while India lags behind China in capabilities, it is also no longer a weakling or unprepared as it was in This is the case purely from the point of view of a kinetic conflict.

China a threat to india

There are, however, other elements to a conflict and before conflicts turn hot, two additional factors need to be considered in the Sino-Indian case. One, in the age of nuclear weapons, China will think twice about actually initiating a conflict.

This is certainly possible but one must also assess what the actual gains accruing to China could be in such a scenario. Can Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh, for example, be captured by the Chinese, without fearing threat of retaliation by India?

And if they cannot get Tawang, then what else is worth so much to the Chinese that they are going to be willing to go to war with India? Remember also, failure to achieve the stated objective, means a loss of face for the Chinese, since India is presumably the weaker power in the equation.

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This is quite in contrast to the Chinese relationship with the United States. In the South China Sea, China is actually gaining territory by its assertiveness and its opponents either do not have the capability to stop it Southeast Asian claimants, for instance or like the United States appear unwilling because of the wider ramifications to the Sino-US relationship and the global order.

In other words, the United States has to weigh confronting the Chinese over the South China Sea issue against a larger set of regional and global interests it has. Absent a clear danger to its national sovereignty or existence — which is the case with the South China Sea issue — the United States will not want to confront China and the latter realizes this and continues to take advantage.

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Two, China is no longer the ideologically revolutionary actor that it was in the Maoist era. Today, it is in a position of some importance in the world and has a tendency towards protecting its gains especially in the regional contexts.

It also does not want to be drawn into a conflict with a power, whether the United States or India, that it knows well enough can impose prohibitive costs and punitive damage. There are also multiple camps today within China that advocate different options for the same problem.

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This lack of unity also restrains and possibly also constrains options that lead to actual physical conflict. All of this is already happening in many ways but it is also not the case that India is completely without experience dealing with these problems or without options in each of these cases and others.

Stereotypes of the region and its people remain rampant in the rest of India the various minorities and their politics have been dealt with a heavy hand rather than with sensitivity and empathy. Everything cannot be blamed on the Chinese even if they can and must be called out for the specific acts of unfriendliness such as hosting Praesh Barua of the separatist and proscribed ULFA and for the continuing free flow of Chinese-origin or —licensed weapons to insurgent groups in the northeast.

Of course, the Chinese are being unreasonable and in fact, supporting the Pakistani position. Further, they also contend that this is an issue that the Indians need to talk to Pakistan about.

What really would be useful would be the courting of ordinary people and Pakistani businesses, the constituencies with the most to gain from peaceful and increased exchanges with India.

Instead, India has let Pakistan slip out of its sphere of influence to first become a puppet of the United States and now a close ally and handmaiden of the Chinese. The Chinese have merely exploited the situation of hostility between India and Pakistan that India has not expended enough imagination to resolve and are now trying to do exactly the same thing in Nepal, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives.Although China strongly condemned India, it did not carry out its veiled threat to intervene on Pakistan's behalf.

By this time, the PRC had replaced the Republic of China in the UN where its representatives denounced India as being a "tool of Soviet expansionism.". With Chinese J stealth fighters near its northeast border, India is looking to upgrade its aircraft and air-defense systems.

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